Central African Republic
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Common name used for the war/conflict 3867_34dddf-7d> |
CAR civil war 3867_3af2cf-43> |
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Status of conflict 3867_78919e-0d> |
Violence is fragmented, more “armed chaos” than full-scale war. 3867_d1abd7-4c> |
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Conflict Start Date 3867_fe5a86-97> |
10 December 2012 – present. 3867_1997a1-c1> |
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Location 3867_8846b7-0a> |
CAR, with spillover into Cameroon, Chad, Sudan, and DRC. 3867_9f1923-f7> |
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Status 3867_73ca85-f5> |
Ongoing. Since Jan 2021, government forces and allies (Russia/Wagner, Rwanda, MINUSCA) have retaken more ground than at any point since the war began, but rebel groups remain active, especially in rural areas. 3867_5a6c4f-56> |
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Actors 3867_d57bb9-72> |
Government side: Central African Armed Forces (FACA), MINUSCA (UN peacekeepers, est. 2014), Russian Wagner Group/Africa Corps (since 2017/2018), Rwandan troops (since 2020). |
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Key Leaders 3867_ebfc0c-96> |
Government: Faustin-Archange Touadéra (President since 2016). |
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Major Events 3867_63605c-87> |
2013: Séléka seizes Bangui, ousts Bozizé; Djotodia becomes president. Anti-balaka militias form, unleashing revenge violence. |
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Humanitarian Impact 3867_28fc9e-55> |
Fatalities: Thousands; 3,000–6,000 killed in 2013–14 alone. |
What the Conflict is Really About (CAR civil war)
The CAR conflict is not only a civil war, it’s a struggle over who controls the state and its resources, whether sovereignty can survive partnerships built on extraction, and how identity and foreign influence shape one of the world’s most fragile countries.
Power and State Collapse
CAR’s history of coups left a fragile state, with government control rarely extending beyond Bangui.
Most of the country is under the sway of armed rebel groups that not only compete against the state, but also among themselves for territory and resources. President Touadéra focuses on regime survival, consolidating power by scrapping term limits and marginalising opposition.
Resource Plunder as War Economy
Diamonds, gold, and timber fuel the conflict as Armed groups fund themselves through mining, smuggling, and extortion.
The Touadéra government trades concessions to Wagner for military support, effectively outsourcing state security to foreign actors.
Wagner controls strategic mining sites like Ndassima, accused of large-scale smuggling and violent expulsions of artisanal miners.
Identity and Sectarian Manipulation
Originally political/economic, the conflict hardened into sectarian lines: Predominantly Muslim Séléka vs. Christian/animist Anti-balaka.
Cycles of revenge produced atrocities and “ethnic cleansing” of Muslim communities.
Leaders exploit identity politics as a strategy, mobilising support, justifying violence, and carving out zones of influence.
The national army (FACA) remains ethnically fragmented, preventing a unifying security force.
Geopolitics and the Sovereignty Debate
The war is also a contest of influence:
Russia presents itself as CAR’s “true ally,” delivering battlefield wins where France and UN peacekeepers failed. Many Central Africans welcome Wagner’s “tough” approach.
France and Western powers see Wagner as destabilising, extracting resources, and committing war crimes with impunity.
The real trade-off: sovereignty for survival. The government has tied its fate to Russia, raising the question of whether CAR’s resources and future are being exchanged to keep Touadéra in power.
